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Evolutionary mechanisms have made organisms dependent on feedback from their environment as a way of coping and adapting to their surroundings. Similarly, human beings depend on feedback, in the form of positive or negative reinforcement, as a way of coping in their social environments and maintaining psychological homeostasis.

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Maslow’s A Theory of Human Motivation established self-esteem, or the internal perception of self-worth, as fundamental to self-actualization ^[1]. Later, Nathaniel Brandon’s A Psychology of Self Esteem made a strong association between self-esteem and psychological well-being. He recognized positive reinforcement as necessary to promoting self-esteem in children ^[2].

Consequently, parents and educators began placing greater emphasis on praise as a way of boosting self-esteem and greater achievement. The advocates of positive behavioral reinforcement consider praise to be an effective means by which to strengthen a behavior, and provide external support and validation to children ^[3].

However, in the mid-80s critics began to suggest that praise was in fact harmful to children. One of the strong proponents of this movement, Alfie Kohn, has argued that praise can make “praise junkies” out of children and lead to reduced achievements ^[4].

While positive reinforcement is a necessary feedback mechanism for children, generic praise can undermine self-esteem and be detrimental to achievement. Such praise can disseminate the false notion that achievement is based on immutable internal parameters; reduce mastery and autonomy in achievements; and promote the internalization of failure and avoidance of challenges.
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This is a peice I wrote about 4 years ago (10^th grade) about a book that remains one of my favorites, and a subject that I sill find intriguing.

The twentieth century will be marked in history for its many civil rights movements, none of which was more tremendous than the anti-apartheid movement of South Africa. Alan Paton was an author and a political activist who created the South African Liberal Party, and who would later become one of the most prominent voices of opposition to apartheid; the South African government’s policy of racial segregation and discrimination against the black majority population of the country.

Born to a white farming family in South Africa in early twentieth century, Paton grew sympathetic to the anti- apartheid cause as he watched first hand a socially frayed country where “fear loomed over everything.”¹ Throughout his life, Paton published his views on apartheid, crime, and justice in South Africa in a body of works, of which the novel Cry, the Beloved Country would become the most renowned. Thought by many as the initial and the most compelling novel to emerge out of the crises in South Africa; Cry, the Beloved Country brought into spotlight the problems that plagued Africa’s southern tip, and set a precedent for other critical South African pieces of literature that would later surface.

In Cry, the Beloved Country, Paton deals with three different accounts, one of the land of South Africa and the great tribes that once presided across its plains; another of the search of a father, Stephen Kumalo, an old rural black minister for his son Absalom in a large corrupt city; and finally an old rural white man, James Jarvis’s confrontation with the loss of his son. The story combines all of these elements to illustrate a glimpse into, and an explanation for, the condition of South Africa during the 1940’s and beyond.
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Since the article The Case for Torture by Michael Levin was published in Newsweek in 1982, it has been used steadily to credit or discredit arguments for the use of torture. To state it mildly, this article is definitely very polarizing and meant to arouse reaction. Writing exclusively about the article made me appreciate just how hard it is to separate an article from its subject matter and its author. Offering a lucid critique, while remaining logical and not falling into a “rant mode” or engaging in dialogue is a lot harder than it sounds, specially when the article happens to be on such a divisive issue. I have to say I personally prefer Jon Swift’s modest proposal for fixing the ills of our society. However, I recommend that people read Levin’s peice and give it some thought prior to reading my modest critique.

A Case for Torture? (A response to The Case For Torture)

In the article entitled “The Case for Torture” published by Newsweek in 1982, Michael Levin argues that the use of torture as a means to save lives is justifiable and necessary. Beginning with very general premises, Levin draws a series of hyperbolic cases where torture might be justifiable so as to set precedents for the justification of torture in more “realistic cases.” However, the author never fully defines the boundaries and conditions behind his premises and suggests that disregarding civil liberties as deemed necessary may be justified to preserve those same civil liberties. Throughout the article Levin resorts to a number of arguments with visible logical flaws, and by the end he fails to address any inquiries that may be raised against his arguments, instead drawing his arguments and conclusions into fear-inducing fire-and-brimstone rhetoric.

With the premise that “torture is justifiable only to save lives,” Levin illustrates three cases where torture might be justifiable. In the first, he describes a terrorist holding a city of millions hostage to an atomic bomb; the second, a terrorist who has implanted remote-controlled bombs on a plane; and the third, a terrorist who has kidnapped a baby.

In each of these cases, Levin draws hyperbolic situations where it is insinuated that the extreme violence of certain crimes justifies discarding the constitutional rights of individuals. Levin essentially appeals to fear as a way of rationalizing cases where the rights of the individual should not hold for the supposed greater good of the society. Levin does not clearly limit the use of torture to these three extraordinary examples, but rather suggests that any number of cases may require the violation of individual rights, and thereby the constitution. For instance, in his hyperbolic examples, Levin uses saving lives of citizens as necessary to preserve order. However, stifling dissent may also be deemed as necessary to preserve order. Although the torture of dissidents may be identified by most as a characteristic of despotic rule, the previous examples can lead to the conclusion anything that disrupts order may be a suitable candidate for the use of torture.

The second premise of Levin’s article deals with the administration of torture. Levin states that “[torture is] justifiably administrated only to those known to hold innocent lives in their hands”. Levin fails to provide conditions and parameters for this assertion. Would it be justifiable for instance to torture and violate the rights of innocent family members of a suspect in order to seize information from a suspect? Levin lists some questions that bring the premise discussed under scrutiny. But instead of expanding upon and countering critical questions such as “how can the authorities ever be sure they have the right malefactor?” or “Isn’t there a danger of error and abuse?” in order to support his ideas, Levin dismisses the questions as disingenuous and unnecessary. By doing so, Levin largely dismisses the necessity of the burden of proof, at the risk of incriminating the innocent. Instead he appeals to fear, ultimately stating that “paralysis in the face of evil is the greater danger.”

In his conclusions Levin states that there is “…little danger that the Western democracies will lose their way if they choose to inflict pain as one way of preserving order.” However, the implication that the state or individuals can disregard the constitution and their citizens’ rights as they deem fit would have serious repercussions for any constitutional democracy.

The use of torture and its consequences have been documented in countries around of world over a vast span of time, and for a variety of reasons. Yet Levin makes no attempt to expand his article beyond a hypothetical stance. In addition, in a scholarly article one would expect that credible sources other than the author would be referenced. The only attempt to reference a source is an informal poll from four anonymous mothers. The passage tries to evoke a sense of support for the original premises through stating that the mother who was the “most liberal” (and would presumably be against the use of torture) would herself administer torture to get her baby back. However, this can be considered as an appeal to a false authority as the credentials of the woman in question are not explicitly stated, beyond that she is “the most liberal” among a group of women.

An apparent theme throughout the article is Levin’s persisting appeal to emotions and pity of readers. Although seeking to evoke emotional responses from an audience may be a valid component of persuasion, relying solely on persuading the reader’s emotions rather than persuading the reader by reason can render an argument largely futile. Posing questions such as “If you caught the terrorist, could you sleep… knowing millions died because you… [did not] apply the electrodes?,” Levin engages in ad hominem reproach of the audience, casting into doubt their morals and integrity if they disagree with the basis of his arguments.

In the informal poll of the four anonymous mothers, it is apparent that Levin appealed to the fears and emotions of the parents in question. While the poll may indicate the strength of maternal feelings towards children, which one could speculate would also exist in the mothers of individuals tortured, it bears no relevance to the legal justification of torture on the broader scope of society.

Furthermore, Levin’s use of emotional dilemmas forces the reader into dichotomy of “Us and Them”. For instance, near the conclusion of the article, Levin makes a series of rhetorical statements about good and evil and the preservation of “Western democracies”. He makes subtle references to “freedom fighters”, “embassy”, “masked gunmen”, “airplane” hinting to the various plane hijackings that took place during the 1970s and 1980s as well as the 1979 Iranian embassy hostage crises. Levin forebodes of other terrorist events, and resolves that torture will ultimately be the only way to save thousands of lives. For a western audience in the mid-1980s these references would be painfully familiar and would evoke strong emotional responses. Levin’s conclusions force the audience to advocate the use of torture, which is paralleled to the preservation of western democracies, or otherwise become categorized as one of “Them.”

Levin’s article poses a serious and interesting question that has become especially relevant in the recent years with the emergence of the United States’ “War on Terror”. Stylistically, the article has a strong fluent tone. However, the logical fallacies and the overall appeal to fear and emotion in the article have severely detracted from the quality of the work and made the article more similar in style to a newspaper editorial rather than a serious academic piece.

Work cited:
Michael Levin. (1982). “The Case for Torture,” Newsweek.

During the past century, a world once roamed by gods, mythical heroes, and villains, has transformed into the modern world with icons as its staple. These icons are often recognized for some well-known significance and embody qualities which have elevated them into ’symbols’ akin to the ancient gods. The word “icon” itself roots from the Greek, image, and was used to describe images and objects which portrayed sacred religious symbols. In modern culture, however, the meaning has extended to include cultural, even sacrilegious symbols. As religious icons once were, modern icons have become a vital part of our culture. It is, therefore, critical to understand how they took that role, and what exactly it is that makes a human being or a fictional character an icon.
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